![]() ![]() Also see same in G8*s89B and G8589D, Paris, B.N. 103.Ĥ2 The pertinent passage is set after Beza's reply to Lorraine of 24 September, and reads: ‘Après cette harangue, les ministres presenterent leur confession de foy touchan le sacrament de l'Eucharistie: Et baillerent aussy avec ce quelques confessions de foy d'aucuns Ministres de Wittemberg, faites des l'année 1559 et fut ainsy mise fin au Colloque de ce jour.’ Paris A.N. 124 and Chantonnay to Philip, 17 September 1561, Paris, A.N. After Lorraine's initial address Cardinal de Tournon thundered that if the ministers ‘wanted to subscribe to the two declared articles on the authority of the Church and on the sacrament, that as penitents they would be received with open arms, but should they remain obstinate, the Catholics would not want to treat with them any longer and they would never have anything but one God, one faith, and one king’, Diario, p. Google Scholar The bishops' stipulations actually went beyond the Eucharist. 61–2, edited by Evennett,, and Beza,, Correspondance, III, 168 n. Google Scholar Claude d'Espence stressed that the ministers accept a ‘substantial’ presence, which was at least then implicit in the Catholic understanding of real presence. ![]() Buchon, J.A C, Choix de chroniques et mémoires sur I'histoire de France ( 1st ed. 63 Google Scholar and de la Place, Pierre, Commentaires de I'estat de la religion et republique sous roys Henry et François seconds et Charles neufviesme, ed. Claudii de Sainctes Parisien, theologi ad apologiam Theodori Bezae…( Paris, 1567), p. We do know that Postel addressed Lorraine not long before the Colloquy: Bouwsma, p. Was this tract in the hands of Lorraine at Poissy? Perhaps. 70–83, along with some other material pertinent to the Colloquy. This is in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), Moreau Mss. As regards the latter, the author has come upon a curious and apparently long-obscure irenical tract of Postel written in 1561 expressly for Poissy: Moyen proposé pour mettre en paix les Huguenots avec les Catholiques. Brent, Nathaniel, London, 1640, 704), Google Scholar and that he had long been in contact with Guillaume Postel and his De orbis terrae concordiae, ( Bouwsma, William J., Concordia Mundi: The Career and Thought of Guillaume Postel (1510–1581), Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957, 226, CrossRef Google Scholar239). Paris, 1761, VI, 143) Google Scholar that he was so avid at Trent that the exasperated Legate said he sounded ‘like the Lutherans' ( Sarpi, Fra Paolo, The Historie of the Councel of Trent, trans. In sum, Lorraine and Poissy is best understood by Lorraine at Poissy.ġ0 See Evennett, passim, and among some other particulars it is well to note that he had unorthodox views on such things as, for example, the question of icons ( Crevier, Jean-Baptiste Louis, Histoire de I'Université de Paris, depuis son origine jusqu'en I'année 1600, 7 vols. This is poetically suggested by Marlowe himself, for his Cardinal of Lorraine is apparently a composite of both generations, as is the case in The Massacre at Paris.Īs regards the later question of Lorraine and the conference at Saverne, this must be understood against the background of his disillusionment with the failure of Poissy and the fact that all sides were then preparing for war. Let it simply be pointed out that Lorraine's reputation is largely a consequence of Reformation polemics and that, moreover, there is reason to believe that the reputation of the subsequent generation of the Guises has often been read back into that of Poissy. Google Scholar It would seem that Evennett's careful delineation of Lorraine's character obviates the necessity of reconsidering the element of personality and facilitates the concentration here upon the lingering textual problems. Google Scholar See also Evennett, ‘ The Cardinal of Lorraine and the Colloquy of Poissy’, The Cambridge Historical Journal, II ( 1927). 5 The Cardinal of Lorraine and the Council of Trent ( Cambridge University Press, 1930). ![]()
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